「００７８」　雑記　アメリカの大学で行われる日本政治の授業の一端をご紹介します。宿題はこんなものが出されます（１）　古村治彦（ふるむらはるひこ）筆　２０１０年３月２３日

　ウェブサイト「副島隆彦の論文教室」管理人の古村治彦です。本日から数回に分けまして、私がアメリカに留学していたときに、受講していた日本政治の授業についてご紹介します。その第一弾として、日本政治の授業の時に課された宿題についてご紹介したいと思います。

　この日本政治の授業は、２００４年の春のセメスター（１月から５月まで）に開講されました。授業は毎週月曜日と水曜日、午前８時３０分から９時５０分まで学部生と一緒に講義を受け、その後、大学院生は１０時３０分まで居残りで討論をするという内容でした。この方式は先生が卒業したＭＩＴ（マサチューセッツ工科大学）の日本政治の大家リチャード・サミュエルズ（Richard Samuels）の授業のやり方と似ていました。

　この宿題は、セメスターも残り１カ月ほどになってから出されました。この宿題は、日本政治の授業で出てきた重要な用語について、（１）内容の説明と、（２）その重要性を書き、提出するものでした。Identificationsと呼ばれるこうした宿題は、アメリカの大学の授業で良く出されるものです。日本人である私はこの宿題は簡単だと思い、取り組み始めましたが、結構苦労しました。それは、これらの用語を私は日本人として、改めて定義し、その重要性を考えて使ってこなかったからです。この点から、この宿題（assignments）は為になりました。

　この宿題をご紹介するのは、日本政治について、アメリカの大学でどのように教えられているかをお知らせするものです。また、外国人の友人に日本について説明する際に、その助けになればと思い、ここに掲載します。読者の皆様のお役に立てば幸いです。

 

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Identifications

Greater East-Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere

（１）The concept (Dai Toa Kyoueiken) was used for justifying the Japanese invasion and rule toward Asia. This concept includes racial structure: master peoples (Japanese) who would take the lead in the sphere but who were cautioned to maintain “the purity of the blood”; friendly peoples (ex. Koreans) who held similar rights and duties but were in a reduced status commensurate with their capabilities; guest peoples (Occidental nationalities) whose presence was to be tolerated, if they behaved themselves.

（２）This concept became the ideological backbone for not only invasion into Asia but also the war between the United States and other Western Powers in Asian and Pacific. This concept has a contradiction: Japan sought to “liberate” Asian nations from Western Powers, but Japan sought to “lead” (colonize) Asian nations. This concept was the result of Japanese expansionism from 1895 to 1945 in theoretical arena.

Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP)

（１）General Douglas MacArthur (U.S. Army) was designated Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (Rengo Koku Soshireibu) consisted of the U.S., UK, Soviet Russia, and Australia. SCAP came to refer to the Occupation Command and had the standard staff sections common to ordinary military headquarters: G-1 (Personnel), G-2 (Intelligence), G-3 (Operations), and G-4 (Supply and Logistics). In addition, SCAP included special sections such as ESS (Economic and Scientific Section), CI and E (Civil Information and Education Section), NRS (National Resources Section), PHW (Public Health and Welfare Section).

（２）In effect, General MacArthur took orders from the U.S. government and ignored other institutions such as the Far Eastern Commission and the Allied Council for Japan.　Therefore, occupation of Japan was led by mainly the United States. At the same time, he manipulated his dual position. Sometimes, he ignored the order from the United States government. Under SCAP order, government sections (GS) pursued the purposes of occupation (demilitarization, democratization, and decentralization) with Japanese existing bureaucracy. SCAP influenced on Japan and contributed to continuity of American influence in Japan after the Occupation.

Reverse course

（１）In 1948, SCAP shifted their policy against Japan from liberal to conservative. In economic arena, SCAP changed the attitude to labor from friendly to critical or skeptical. And, SCAP sought the dissolution of the Zaibatsu. However, in this era, they returned or survived as Keiretsu. In political arena, politicians who were purged could return to politics. It means that politicians who had acted before the WW�U returned to political area. They became the core of conservative camp. In contrast, SCAP ordered the purge against Communists (“Red” Purge).

（２）Reverse course (Gyaku Kosu) was related to the US foreign policy. The US government turned to involve the Cold War against the Soviet Union. In this grand policy, Japan was placed as the bulwark of Communism from China or the Soviet Union and the factory in Asia against Communism. Japan was defined as an “ally” in Asia from an “enemy.” The reverse course contributed the conservatives to return to the power in Japanese politics. Previously, SCAP emphasized and help the Japan Socialist Party and centrist parties. After the reverse course, conservatives returned to power (ex. Yoshida or Hatoyama)

Takeover strikes

（１）Takeover strikes (Seisan Kanri or keiei Minshuka) were incidents that unions took over enterprises and factories. Unions locked out management. They manage and operate enterprises and factories. One reason was that workers were dissatisfied with the management who did not promote production. Under the union control, productions were increased. Yomiuri Shinbun, Keisei Electric Railways were examples.

（２）This phenomenon prompted the representation of workers in management. Unlike counterparts in other counties, unions in Japan tend to take care of management. This promoted cooperative relationship between management and labor in Japanese Industrial area. This was the root of enterprise unions.

Article 9 of the 1945 Constitution
（１） After the WW�U, GHQ ordered the establishment of new constitution. Japan abandoned the Meiji Constitution (The Constitution of the Great Empire of Japan, Dai Nippon Teikoku Kenpo). In May 3rd 1947, the Constitution of Japan (Nihonkoku Kenpo) was effective. In this Constitution, there are three characteristics as follows: (1) the sovereignty belongs to the Japanese people, (2) the human rights must be respected and protected, and (3) the war is renounced. The article 9 of the Constitution of Japan is written as follows. “Aspiring sincerely to an international peace based on justice and order, the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes. In order to accomplish the aim of the proceeding paragraph, land, sea and air forces, as well as other potential, will never be maintained. The right of belligerency of the state will not be recognized.”

（２）In the politics of Japan after the WW�U, the article 9 has been the stage of ideological confrontation between the conservative and the liberal camps. The LDP has the party platform that says they want to amend the article 9 of the Constitution for rearmament. In contrast, the JSP and the JCP have tried to protect the article 9 and entire Constitution. Under the 1955 system, the largest JSP’s object had been to keep one-third of total Diet seats because, when the amendment of the Japanese Constitution would be effective, two-thirds of total Diet members must vote for the amendment.

1955 system
（１）In October 1955, the right-wing Japan Socialist Party and the left-wing Japan Socialist Party merged as Japan Socialist Party (JSP). One month later (November 1955), Japan Liberal party and Japan Democratic Party were united as Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). Their motivation was from the fear of the increase of the left camp in Japanese Politics. From then on, the LDP had dominated the Japanese Politics for almost four decades. Under the 1955 system, Opposition parties (JSP, Democratic Socialist Party, Komeito, New Liberal Club, and Japan Communist Party) could not reach the power.

（２）From 1955 to 1993, the Japanese politics was symbolized the word, “1955 system (GojuGonen Taisei).” Under the 1955 system, the LDP had dominated the power for almost 4 decades. In contrast, the JSP and other opposition parties had always opposed and never had the opportunity to seize the power. Under the 1955 system, the situation had been fixed. In the perspective of JSP, under the 1955, the Japanese Constitution had never been changed. Under the fixation, Japan pursued rapid economic growth.

Chonaikai (“neighborhood associations”)

（１）Chonaikai is established in villages, town and city wards. There are about 29,000associations in entire Japan. Residents participate in each neighborhood associations mandatory. The activities of Chonaikai are public and community activities from cleaning up their parks or roads, sports activities, festivals, sight seeing and so on. The local governments give the information and the subsidies to the Chonaikai. The information form government is distributed through the network of Chonaikai.

（２）During the WW�U, Tonarigumi was established for distribution of information and food from the government and for public mobilization. Also, residents watched each other. After the War, SCAP tried to dissolve Tonarigumi. Tonarigumi survived as Chonaikai. Chonaikai is the entity to complement the government. The government can avoid the cost of public activities such as cleaning up the parks and roads. Chonaikai mobilize residents. Chonaikai also promoted trust among residents and to the government. In other words, Chonaikai help to gain social capital and trust in Japan. The state helps Chonaikai.

Civil society

（１）Civil society has broad meanings. Sheldon Gordon defines civil society as follows. Civil society may consist of formal associations at either the national or local level or looser networks. Various forms of media, in which contemporary issues   are debated, also form a part of civil society. These associations and media are usually established independently of the state, but not always. In cultural terms, they must offer, at least occasionally, alternatives to official discourses and values- even if they agree with the state on the other matters. Robert Pekkanen defines civil society as follows. Civil society is the organized, nonstate, nonmarket sector (voluntary groups of all kind). It is broader than the category of civic groups (participatory groups), the nonprofit sector (excluding unincorporated voluntary groups, groups performing public purposes). It excludes labor unions, companies, or other profit-oriented groups, government bureaucracies, parastatal organizations, and political parties as well as the family.

（２）In post 1993 era (a more than decade), all major actors in three powerful models for Japanese Politics were weak. Because of party realignment, long economic stagnation, and scandals, bureaucrats, politicians, big business, and other interest groups have become weaker. In contrast, civil society organizations such as NGO/NPO groups or
Nokyo (Agricultural Cooperatives) are getting stronger and more visible in Japanese Politics area.

Public sphere
（１）Public sphere is the realm where people come together to discuss politics and other matters of the day. Political journalism, salons, and coffeehouses are favored venues. Sheldon Garon argues that, in spite of some restrictions, significant spaces opened up for public discussion and associational life in Tokugawa era such as academies, philanthropic and learned societies, and poetry circles.

（２）Public sphere is the significant field for establishing and promoting civil society organizations and activities. Garon argues that Japan had the public sphere. Like Civil Society, public sphere contribute to democracy in Japan.

U.S.-Japan Security Treaty (Anpo)
（１）In 1951, USA and Japan concluded U.S.-Japan Security Treaty (Nichibei Anzen Hosho Joyaku, Anpo). According to this treaty, US military forces continue to stay in the Japanese territory to protect the security of Japan. Japan pays the cost of the US military forces in Japan. This treaty is not equal and mutual treaty because Japan can not offer the military aid to the United States.
（２）Under the Cold War era, U.S.-Japan Security Treaty was significant in Japanese politics. Anpo accelerated the party division under the 1955 system. The LDP and other centrist parties had agreed the treaty. On the other hand, The JSP and other parties had strongly opposed the treaty. In 1960, when the Kishi administration tried to renew the treaty, JSP organized the strong opposition movement.

Developmental state
（１）Chalmers Johnson uses the concept of developmental state to explain Japan’s economic miracle. His arguments are as follows. Late industiralizer as Japan need strong sate intervention for rapid economic growth. The state is plan rational. The state sets the economic/social goals, formulate industrial policies (licensing, quota, administrative guidance, direct and indirect financial subsidies and so on), and promote effectiveness. The Soviet-type, planned economy is plan ideological. The state has the power to decide the industrial structure. US-type, market economy is market rational. In Japan, Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI) has played the important role in economic growth and industrialization in Japan.
（２）Developmental state was the core of strong state model to explain Japanese politics. The concept was the strong explanation for Japan’s economic miracle. Through the study of MITI, Johnson finds that the Japanese government led the economic growth through the industrial policies. Big differences between the Japanese type economy and the Soviet-type economy are the rationality and effectiveness. Japan is the model of developmental state. The concept of Developmental state can be applied to Newly Industrializing Counties (NICs) in East Asia such as South Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore.

Regulatory state
（１）The regulatory state maintains and concerns with competition and consumer protection. It concerns forms and procedures, not goals. It has regulations and rules for fair economic competition. It does not have industrial policies. It concerns market rationality (efficiency). The United States is the good example of regulatory state. The US government has many regulations concerning antitrust implications of the size of firms, but it does not concern with what industries ought to exist and what industries are no longer needed.
（２）The concept of regulatory state is opposite to developmental state. The good example is the United States. The aim of regulatory state is to let the market work efficient. Their regulations and laws are for making framework of market and competition among private enterprises. Many developed countries are regulatory state. Some reform-oriented politicians and economists in Japan claim that Japan should shift from developmental state to regulatory state.

Administrative guidance

（１）Administrative guidance (Gyosei Shido) is formal and informal order and request from ministries. MITI uses administrative guidance for regulating “excessive” competition, coordinating investment among firms and industries. For example, in 1964, MITI issued administrative guidance to create cartel of Petrochemical industry. Or, in 1952, MITI issued administrative guidance to ten big cotton spinners to reduce production.

（２）MITI and other bureaucrats, especially economic bureaucrats, used the several tools to pursue the goal, economic growth. The tools were control over foreign exchange, import of foreign technologies, preferential financing, tax breaks, protection tariff, and promotion of creating of cartel, licensing, and administrative guidance. Administrative guidance is not law or ordinance. However, MITI manipulated administrative guidance. MITI decided and controlled the structure of industries and market competition.

Amakudari (“descend from heaven”)

（１）The bureaucrats who are between the ages of 50 and 55 move from government to powerful positions in private enterprise, banking, the political world, and the numerous public corporations. This phenomenon is called as ‘amakudari.’ This word shows that bureaucrats think themselves as higher position or rank than private sector or political arena.

（２）This mechanism shows the increase of bureaucratic influence over Japanese society. For example, in general, the Japanese enterprises do not seek the maximum profit. This is influenced by the former-bureaucrats in them. To bureaucracy, they can receive the compensations and young bureaucrats can get the high positions. To non-governmental sector, they can receive the talented, experienced, and intelligent people.

Fiscal Investment and Loan Program (FILP)
（１） Officials of Ministry of Finance (MOF) and of the Industrial Capital section of MITI’s Enterprises Bureau decide to use the money collecting from the postal saving system and national pension system. Officials decide which public interest corporations or local governments or banks (including Japan Development Bank) will be received money and how much money will go. The FILP (Zaisei Toyushi) is called as ‘second’ or ‘investment’ budget.
（２）In strong state model, MITI (and MOF) has led the economic growth of Japan through industrial policy (Johnson 1982). The state distributes money through direct and indirect options. FILP allocates money to public interest corporations and local governments. These institutions invested money to private enterprises. The economic bureaucrats could decide to use the FILP; therefore, they could invest money to targeted industries. The FILP allowed overloan to private sector.

Postal saving system
（１）From the Meiji era, the Japanese postal offices have dealt with the saving accounts and insurance for the Japanese people (Yubin Chokin Seido). The Japanese government operates the postal saving system. The government guarantees higher interest than other accounts of private banks and a substantial exemption from income taxes for interest earned on savings accounts. Moreover, the branches and offices of postal offices cover the entire Japan from isolated islands to villages in mountains.
（２）Japanese government could not collect enough sum of money through taxation and public debts. Japanese taxation system had low rate or taxes and the government set the limit on issue the public bonds. The postal saving system became the big money sources for the government. The government used the postal saving system to collect money and allocate money to private industrial sector through FILP or JDB.

Shingikai (“consultative committee”)

（１）Ministries and agencies of Japanese government establish Shingikai (consultative committees) to hear the ideas from non-bureaucratic members, to discuss the issues, and to receive the recommendations. The members of Shingikai are selected by bureaucrats. The members are from university professors, former bureaucrats, Diet members, Labor activists, interest group activists, and NGO/NPO members.

（２）The aim of setting Shingikai is to let the broad members participate in the decision making and collect the information and knowledge from them. However, selecting members who are thought as the anti-government or against government decision is to give them voice and deal with the dissatisfaction. Bureaucrats can control Shingikai because Shingikai rely on the bureaucrats in terms of paper works or secretary works. Shingikai is the mechanism for making consensus. It contributes to stability.

Nemawashi (“behind-the-scenes consultation”)

（１）The term, Nemawashi originally refers to the process of trimming the roots around a tree before transplanting. Steven Reed uses this term to explain why companies obey the administrative guidance from ministries. In observations of some scholars (Richard Samuels, Daniel Okimoto), the Japanese government is not strong. The companies are in competition. At the same time, companies want to avoid the excess competition. The government plays the mediator role and arranges the numerous informal negotiations with companies. Through the negotiations, the government produces the solution and the companies obey the guidance.

（２）Nemawashi is used to explain one character of Japanese culture (harmony, or effort to avoid the disputes). In Japan Inc. model, Nemawashi refers to the cooperative business-government relationship. The government is not strong and can not impose a solution on companies. Companies want to make compromise to avoid the excess competition. As the result, the government and business sector have the relationship and control the competition. There are negotiations and trust between the government and the business sector. It contributes to stability.

Multi-member district single non-transferable vote (SNTV)

（１）Under the 1955 system, the electoral system included the multi-member district single non-transferable vote. Each district had multi seats (2 to 6) in the Diet. Voters had a single vote. Votes were not transferable to other candidates of the same party in the same district.

（２）Under this electoral rule, voters focused on candidates’ personalities rather than party or political issues. Especially, in the LDP, intraparty competition occurred because the LDP had a few candidates in the same districts. It contributed to the significance of fractions. Small parties could survive in urban, large districts because the candidates did not need to take majority of voter turnouts. Generally, the candidates could be elected with 15 % or 20 %.

（つづく）