「0079」 雑記 アメリカの大学で行われる日本政治の授業の一端をご紹介します。宿題はこんなものが出されます(2) 古村治彦(ふるむらはるひこ)筆 2010年3月29日

 

 ウェブサイト「副島隆彦の論文教室」の管理人・古村治彦です。今回は前回に引き続き、アメリカの大学での日本政治の授業の宿題の中から、キーワードについての宿題の中身を掲載します。ジャパン・ハンドラーズと呼ばれる人々が日本について徹底的に研究し、良く知っていることが分かると思います。

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Koenkai (“personal support network/organizations”)

(1)Each politician has his/her personal support network/organizations. LDP members spend enormous sums of money organizing and maintaining the extensive personal-support networks. A typical LDP Diet member spend over about one million dollars for activities such as meeting periodically to eat and drink, going to hot springs or sight-seeing, sports activities and so on. Several staffs of Diet member manage Koenkai. When the election is held, Koenkai becomes the core for voter mobilization and source of political money.

(2)In multimember district SNTV electoral system, politicians, especially LDP politicians could not depend on LDP itself because they had the rivals from the same LDP. They had relied on personal loyalty and tried to build the personal network based on individual loyalty. Therefore, the Japanese elections were not based on policies but on personality or popularity. The LDP politicians distribute the pork barrel through Koenkai.

Policy Affair Research Council (PARC)
(1)LDP has Policy Affair Research Council (PARC, Seimu Chosakai) as policy making organ. Through their participation in the PARC’s policymaking deliberations, LDP backbenchers press for policies and budget allocations that benefit their constituents. The PARC has roughly paralleling the cabinet ministers and Diet committees, divisions (Bukai). The PARC also has special research committees (Chosakai) and Diet members’ leagues (Giin Renmei) that formed over the years around particular issues or that concern areas in which divisions have overlapping jurisdiction.

(2) LDP politicians can develop policy expertise through participation into the PARC. LDP politicians gain policy expertise in some areas and develop close relationship with bureaucrats and interest groups. This is the evidence for strong societal model of Japanese politics.

Zoku (“groupings of Diet members”)

(1)Zoku or Zoku Giin is the Diet member who has an expertise and practical experience about a particular arena of government policy and enough seniority in the party to have influence on a continuing basis with the ministry responsible for that policy area. Kensetsu zoku (Construction zoku) or Norin zoku (agricultural zoku) are popular.

(2)The zoku has close relationship with bureaucrats and interest groups. They play an autonomous role vis-à-vis the bureaucrats and interest groups, trying to find areas of compromise between what interest groups want and what the government is prepared to give. The zoku belongs to the PARC. So, PARC leaders are important and play the significant role.

Reciprocal consent

(1)Richard Samuels uses this concept to explain and analyze the relationship between the state and the energy sector in Japan. Reciprocal consent is an interactive process of negotiations between the market and the state. The private sector enjoys the inclusion of policy process and public resources, while the state has some jurisdiction over industries. Two actors, the private sector (business) and the state (bureaucracy) exchange the jurisdiction and public resources.

(2)This concept is core of the ‘Japan Inc.’ model and the counter concept for the strong state model led by Chalmers Johnson. The big counterevidence of strong state model is that Japan had few government-owned enterprises. This led the doubt on the strength of the Japanese state. Samuels uses the concept of reciprocal consent and can explain the relationship between the sate and the business.

Zaikai (“financial community”)

(1)Zaikai is used as the group of major industrial and financial leaders who spend a significant portion of their time in activities that relate to the economy in general and the society at large, generally through active participation in one or more of the four major economic organizations.

(2)In Japan Inc. model, Zaikai plays the important role in Japanese politics. Bureaucrats and business have jurisdiction and bureaucrats have negotiations with business sector. Politicians (especially, LDP politicians) have also close relationship with the Zaikai. Zaikai is one of the three key players in Japanese version of “iron triangle.”

Keidanren (Federation of Economic Organizations)

(1)In 1946, Keidanren was established as a comprehensive economic organization for small and medium size enterprises. In 1952, Keidanren turned to be spokesman for big business interests and Zaikai. Keidanren had membership of 110 industrial, commercial, and financial associations and 739 individual corporations including Japanese leading and big companies. Keidanren had the close relationships with bureaucrats and politicians though regular meetings.

(2)In Japan Inc. model, Zaikai, business people is the significant player for the policy making process. Keidanren was one of the four Zaikai associations and the largest and the most influential organization because the members were big and leading enterprises of Japan. The Zaikai received the former bureaucrats from the government (Amakudari) and contributed political money to LDP automatically. However, under globalization, there was the cleavage within Keidanren. Keidanren had two types of memberships: international competitive industries and protection-oriented industries. They became weak. In 2002, Keidanren and Nikkeiren were merged into Nippon Keidanren.

Rengo (Japan Trade Union Confederation)

(1)In 1987, Domei and three other unions in private sector were dissolved and Rengo was created as the national labor confederation. Two years later, Sohyo, the largest public sector labor federation was dissolved and merged into Rengo. In Japanese history, Rengo is the largest national labor confederation that unites private and public sector unions. Rengo has seven million members.

(2)The unification of private and public sector unions might lead the conclusion that the confederation would be strong and be influential on the Japanese politics. However, Rengo has the weak links among members and with political parties. Also, Rengo does not have centralized budgets and staff members; despite Rengo is one of the largest labor confederations in the world. But, Rengo is apolitical entity comparing to previous national federations of labor such as Sohyo or Domei.

Creative conservatism

(1)T. J. Pempel uses this concept. First, he looks at one puzzle of Japanese political economy. In the 1950s and 1960s, Japan had enjoyed the rapid economic growth (Japan’s miracle). However, at the same time, Japan could avoid the increase of social and economic inequality. Generally, the rapid economic growth generates the social inequality. He tries to explain the puzzle and argues that there is a strong distributive orientation from urban, high level of income segments to rural, low income segments such as subsidies, rice price support, public works project, unequal tax system (9-6-3 system). Small business and agriculture has become the support base for LDP, and source of power of bureaucrats (responsibility and budgets)

(2) Under the 1955 system, Japanese people enjoyed the economic growth and economic/ social equality. The bureaucrats, LDP politicians, big business, protection-oriented sector such as agriculture, small business, and rural residents had the good relationship and sought the distributive policies such as subsidies, rice price support, and unequal (unfair) tax system. However, after 1993, all of those actors were weakened. Simultaneously, the social/economic inequality has been increased.

Compensation politics

(1)According to Kent E. Calder, compensation politics includes the material and nonmaterial goals. When the crisis occurred, LDP offered compensation. Material goals are public works expenditures, small business loans, and agricultural price supports and so on. Also, nongovernmental goals are in a broader social context. Participants of broader social network have circles of compensation, that is, reciprocal benefits and obligations regularly.

(2)After the WWU, Japan had enjoyed high economic growth for two decades. During this era, Japan also had enjoyed economic equality. In political explanation, the Japanese government adopted the redistributive policies. In concrete, the government redistributed the recourses from urban area to rural area through public works projects, subsidies, low interest loans to farmers, small business owners. They were strong support base of LDP.

Lockheed Scandal

(1)The one US company named Lockheed gave bribe to the Japanese politicians to try to sell their aircrafts to All Nippon Airways (ANA). Lockheed used the right wing figure in Japan to Prime Minister Tanaka was said that he received two million yen to press ANA to buy 21 Lockheed L-1011 TriStar Airbuses. After the resignation from prime ministership, in 1976, Mr. Tanaka was arrested because of the corruption.

(2)This corruption case shows the structural corruption in Japan. Former Prime Minister of Japan and two other influential LDP politicians were captured and prosecuted. Also, one right wing figure and some executives of prestigious companies were also captured.  It shows that the politicians have had the influence over the business and they have used their power to collect corrupt money. Also, this case shows that, in Japanese politics, illegal gangsters and right wing figures have relationship with politicians.

Environment Debacle

(1)This term is generally used with economic miracle. In Japan, after the WWU, Japan succeeded in rapid economic growth. The economic growth provided Japan prosperity. However, at the same time, prosperity faced the world’s worst industrial pollution, environmental debacle.

(2)Japan turned from the most polluted country to the comparable anti-polluted country. In this transform, Japanese government imposed severe restrictions on pollution. Also, Civil Society organizations and citizen movements played significant role. This is the first case that CSOs played the important role in policy-making process and prompted the bottom-up pressure to the government.

G/E dilemma

(1)G/E dilemma is the contest between two contradictory sides, economic growth and environmental protection. When the cost of pollution exceeds the benefit from the production, the problem is getting acute. G/E dilemma became a political issue in industrialized countries in the 1960s and 1970s. Japan also suffered from this dilemma.

(2)Growth and environment protection are contradictory. Japan faced this dilemma, but dealt with both successfully. Japan pushed increase of efficiency of energy use, moving noisy factory out of Tokyo, introduction of recycling program. These activities also contributed to the economic growth. Japanese industries made every effort to fit the severe restriction and increase the quality of their products. However, at the same time, pollution export to Third World Countries occurred.

Cow-walking

(1)In Japanese Diet, when in casting ballots, Diet members act like cows. This is one kind of philibaster. Diet members who are against the agenda walk very slowly or frequently stop walking to delay the decision. Japan Socialist Party used this strategy in 1946. Ironically, Japan Liberal Party also used this strategy when they were in the opposition party position. In 1992, JSP used this strategy to oppose the PKO bill. It took six days to pass the bill.

(2)When they took the cow-walking strategy in 1992, they were espoused by the strong criticism from the public. The public were disappointed that JSP was just ideological and unrealistic. At the time, LDP suffered from many scandals, domestic and international pressures. The cow-walking in 1992 showed that JSP could not win the ruling coalition. From then on, JSP (later Social Democratic Party of Japan) has been declining. For example, in 1990, they had 136 seats in the Lower House. In 2003, the number of members of House of Representatives is only six.

Non-profit Organizations (NPOs)
(1)NPOs are organizations that do not make or intend to make a profit. In 1995, the tremendous earthquake hit Kobe and neighboring area. Japanese government was paralyzed. 1.3 million volunteers played the significant role. The Significance of NPOs and NGOs was realized. The government and the business sector helped to promote activities of NPOs and NGOs in the 1990s. In 1998, NPO Law was passed. NPOs and NGOs can acquire the legal status easily.

(2)In 1990s, many scholars and critics claimed ‘NGO/NPO boom’ or ‘Volunteer Revolution.’ Many citizens participated in NPOs/NGOs or volunteer activities. NPOs and NGOs have occupied one certain position in Japanese society. This rising trend shows the deepening of Japanese democracy. However, the NPO laws and other regulation should be improved.

6-3-3-4 system
(1)After the WWU, Japanese government introduced the new education system under the US occupation authority. This is 6-3-3-4 system. 6 represents elementary schools, 3 for junior high schools, 3 for high schools, and 4 for universities. In this, first 6-3, elementary schools and junior high schools are compulsory and free.

(2)This system is the core of Japanese educational system. American Occupation authority introduced this system. After the Occupation, Japanese government, especially, Ministry of Education changed many progressive policies that US introduced. However, the structure of education was not changed.

Overloan

(1)During the 1955 system, manufacturing industries such as steel, petrochemical, automobiles, and electronics demanded money to expand their production, research and development, and export. They borrowed money from banks. Banks loaned money with high level of equity of ratio (around 80 percent). In western countries, generally, equity of ratio is around 40 percent.

(2)The reason why Japanese banks did overloan was the guarantee of their survives by Ministry of Finance. This is the strong evidence that the state controlled and led the economy through private sectors to seek one vital goal, the economic growth. However, overloan was the big reason for the economic stagnation in the 1990s.

Nonperforming loans
(1)In the 1980s, Japanese banks loaned enterprises and individuals huge amount of money. Companies and people borrowed money on land or securities with high increase at that time. In 1990, the economic downturn started (burst of “bubble economy”), companies and individuals could not pay back. Moreover, borrowers can not pay even interests. Banks tried to sell the land or securities as guarantee. However, the prices declined immediately. As the result, banks could not get credits. These loans are called nonperforming loans.

(2)After the burst of Bubble Economy (1990), Japan has suffered from the economic stagnation. This stagnation is the longest stagnation after the WWU. Main reason of economic stagnation is nonperforming loan in financial sector (banks, securities, and insurances). Especially, in 1997, major financial institutions were bankrupt because of nonperforming loans. In 1998, Japanese government tried to reform the financial sector as well-known ‘Big Bang.’

Enterprise/company union

(1)After the WWU, generally, the form of Japanese unions has been enterprise of company union. The characteristics of enterprise/company union are as follows. In terms of membership, permanent employees or workers who serve the same company/enterprise can be members automatically. Membership fee are automatically deducted from pay checks. The members can be blue-collar and white-collar workers. Both of them belong to single union. Union activist are not professional. Each union has own budget, regulation, and management officers. Each union enjoys the autonomy. Therefore, confederation (Rengo) is weak.

(2)Enterprise/ company unions and management have social contract. It means that their relationship is cooperative. They can seek wage increase, employment security, benefits comparable to counterparts in other companies in same industry in exchange for control by the management. Also, enterprise unions can participate in company management.

Lifetime employment
(1)Generally, Japanese workers and employees serve the one company from after the graduation form school to the age limit (generally government officials: 60, private enterprises: 65). Companies invest huge amount of money to human capital. Companies must make every effort to keep their employment. Lifetime employment is said to be the one characteristic of Japanese labor. However, in reality, this system can be maintained among the big and leading companies. Small and medium size enterprises can not adopt life time employment.

(2)Lifetime employment is secured by the state (MITI and courts). Therefore, there is little external labor market. To workers, they do not need to fear the lost of their jobs. This leads the stability and workers’ cooperative attitude to management. Therefore, management can avoid the radical and militant unionism.

Seniority wage system

(1)In most Japanese companies, wages are decided based on the employees’ ages and the length of service in the company, not based on achievement. In general, wages are increased when an employee is getting older and serving the company for longer. Generally, Japanese companies recruit the employees immediately after the graduation from universities and others. The employees who entered into the company same year are treated as one cohort. Their wages are same in the starting point and little differences.

(2)As lifetime employment, this system also contributes to the stability. Within same cohort and among the different cohorts, the differences are very little. It leads to the economic equality of workers. Companies can adjust the balance between salary and profits with flexible bonus system (twice a year). To workers, it is easy to make plan for their lives (housing, children, education, and so on) because they can predict their salaries in this system.

Nikkeijin (“foreign-born Japanese”)

(1)Nikkeijin is offspring of Japanese emigrants to North and South America. Recently, Japanese government accepted third or fourth generations from Peru or Brazil as legal work force. There are about 300,000 Nikkeijin in Japan. Although they do not have Japanese nationality and are not familiar with Japanese culture and language, they are thought as ‘almost’ Japanese because of their ‘blood.’

(2)In Japanese labor market for foreign immigrants, there is the hierarchical structure. This structure is made by policies of Japanese government. However, within government, there is difference among ministries (Justice, Foreign Affairs, Labor, Health and Welfare). Nikkeijin is put top end with the Zainichi (Chinese and Korean who are born in Japan). Nikkeijin’s status shows that the Japanese make a point of blood or ‘Japan-ness.’

(終わり)